My father died
defending our home,
our village, our country.
I too wanted to fight.
But we are Buddhist.
People say we should be
peaceful and non-violent.
So I forgave my enemy.
But sometimes I feel
I betrayed my father.
Dear Friends,
The time has come for me to go to Tibet again. The last time I went to Tibet, in 1997—after my graduation—I was arrested by the Chinese authorities, beaten up, interrogated, starved and finally thrown out of Tibet after spending three months in their jails in Lhasa and Ngari. I
walked to Tibet, on my own, alone, across the Himalayan Mountains from Ladakh.
Eleven years later, I’m walking to Tibet again; this time, too, without permission. I’m returning home; why should I bother about papers from the Chinese colonial regime, which has not only occupied Tibet, but has also established military rule there; making our people in Tibet live under tyranny and brutal suppression day after day, for the past fifty years.
The year 2008 is a huge opportunity for the Tibet movement to present the injustices that Tibetans have been subjected to, when China is going to attract attention from the international media. I’m taking part in the return march from Dharamsala to Tibet that is being organized as a part of the "Tibetan People's Uprising Movement", a united effort put together by five major
Tibetan NGOs: Tibetan Youth Congress, Tibetan Women's Association, Gu-Chu-Sum Movement of Tibet (an association of former political prisoners), National Democratic Party of Tibet and Students for a Free Tibet, India.
The march started on 10th March 2008, from Dharamsala, the capital of Tibetan exiles, and will pass through Delhi and then head towards Tibet. Walking for six months, we might reach the Tibet border around the time China opens the Beijing 2008 Olympics (August 14-25). At present, it's too early to determine the border point we’d be crossing at; Tibet and India share a border that runs 4,075 km along the length of the Himalayas. We might choose any point, or even multiple points. We'll do as the situation demands.
I know there have been similar attempts in the past, but this is 2008, and I’ve seen the organizers working extra hard with strategic planning, taking care of every minute detail; and the best thing is that we have all the NGOs working in unison for the common goal. This unity is our strength! I do not know where we would end up, which is why I’m giving away my small collection of books (my only possession in life) to a library that’s being set up in McLeod Ganj, Dharamsala. My friends, Lobsang and Nyingje (who served in the Indian army as part of the Tibetan battalion), are also giving away their personal belongings and committing themselves to the march.
Of course, the Indian police will do their duty; the Chinese army at the Tibet border will be more than enthusiastic. Since we’re leading a peaceful march, with absolute commitment to non-violence, I don’t think anyone—either from the Indian authorities or the Chinese—would impose themselves on us. As we’re inspired by Gandhi's Salt March, we’re not giving up, even if they do try to stop us. How many days can they jail us for just walking peacefully? And why would the Indian government stop Tibetan refugees who’re voluntarily returning home on foot?
In the past I have climbed buildings to shout for freedom, thrown myself at the Chinese embassy gate in New Delhi, spent months in jails, got beaten up by police, fought court cases; but I never lost sight of the dignity of the struggle: my belief in non-violence. The March to Tibet will be non-violent; it is a sadhana, a spiritual tribute to the truth and justice that we are fighting
for. This is our Long March to freedom.
And on our journey home, we will cook and camp in tents on the roadside; there will be the marchers and the support marchers, the kitchen team, logistics, media and the medical team. There will be dancing and singing, and theatre and film shows on the road as we take this long journey home.
So my dear friends, here is an opportunity to join a historic non-violent freedom struggle, a people's effort to win freedom for a land that remains subjugated even in 2008. I request you to join us, and support us in whatever way possible. We need people to know about it, so spread the word. You can walk with us, as we walk for six months; maybe you can join us for a day along the route; even one hour; or for a week, or months as a supporter. Schools, colleges and even entire towns can walk with us. We need volunteers, media people, writers, photographers, bloggers to help us. We need nurses, cooks, technicians and your prayers.
Ever since the march was announced on 4th January 2008, Tibetans have been talking about it; it's a topic of major discussion in the refugee camps. Recently, the organizers launched the entry form. And I heard that people are gradually getting themselves registered. You too can register as a volunteer online. For more information please visit: www.TibetanUprising.org
Tenzin Tsundue
Dharamsala
Editorial Postscript:
The above letter was penned before the disturbing events in March 2008, both in Tibet and in other parts of the world where Tibetans live. As of this writing (March 30), the Indian authorities had stopped this Return March to Tibet that Tibetans in exile in India were to begin on March 10th, the 49th anniversary of their nationalist uprising against the Chinese in 1959. Civil unrest had also broken out in Lhasa, Tibet as an expression of the Tibetans’ resentment against Chinese dominance, which has suppressed their culture over the years. The Chinese authorities were quick to crack down on this violence, and to keep out the foreign media. Scores were killed or injured—the Chinese warned of dire consequences if the rioters didn’t surrender, and accused the Dalai Lama and his supporters of inciting these riots. There were also protests and demonstrations outside the Chinese embassies in New Delhi, Sydney, New York and London. The unrest spread to some of the other Chinese provinces as well. The Indian government remains steadfastly neutral, not wanting to get politically involved in China’s internal affairs; India’s official position is that Tibet is an integral part of China. If the violence by his followers continued, the Dalai Lama had threatened to resign as the head of Tibet’s government-in-exile, though not as its spiritual leader. He even suggested a dialogue with the Chinese authorities concerning autonomy for Tibet within China, if not independence. Many of his followers are not
in tune with his spirit of compromise through non-violence. The Chinese, however, are uncompromising, in spite of being urged by the U.S. to have a dialogue with the Dalai Lama—they’re willing as long as he abandons his pursuit of ‘autonomy’ for Tibet.
Two revealing comments have appeared in the press. H.D.S. Greenway writes, “The Dalai Lama’s hopes that his middle way could one day lead to the autonomy that the Chinese originally promised Tibet have receded into the unforeseeable future. The Chinese will deal harshly with separatist sentiments, for the great fear of China for thousands of years has been disintegration into the warring states China hoped it had left behind.” Rod Liddle, writing in the Spectator, minces no words: “China is, if anything, worse than before, combining the most oppressive aspects of state Marxism with the most brutally rapacious aspects of capitalism.
This retaliation by the Chinese leadership is being viewed by the international community as more a human rights issue than one of sovereignty. However, there’s a view that the swift retaliation is about religion, and not ethnic claims or secession—the Chinese Communist Party will always come down heavily on those who’d like the same privileges that Tibetans enjoy in India: practicing their faith freely.The French essayist, Guy Sorman, notes in his book “Empire of Lies” that religion operates “in the realm of beliefs and conscience, where the party has no control.” The Tibetans’ burning desire to have their voice heard, and for religious freedom and independence, has once again triggered a brutal, authoritarian response from the Chinese regime. (The last time this happened was in 1989). In the coming months these events and their political implications—especially in regard to the Beijing Olympics—will continue to be discussed and debated.
—Jayant Deshpande
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